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Internal division between Northeast Cartel (CDN) Leadership Huevo Treviño(Leader)/Werko (Regional boss) vs CDN Armed Wing The Troop from Hell (La tropa del Infierno)

2020.08.11 02:08 shooter1129 Internal division between Northeast Cartel (CDN) Leadership Huevo Treviño(Leader)/Werko (Regional boss) vs CDN Armed Wing The Troop from Hell (La tropa del Infierno)

A sicario from the Northeast Cartel that operates in Nuevo Laredo, filtered information where he warned that the commanders of this cartel, Huevo Treviño and the Treviños' family commander Werko, had called them to "meetings" to go and fight plazas and confront SEDENA and State Elements.
Sicario of the CDN:
"I only come to say that there is internal fighting within the ranks of the Northeast CDN cartel. And it comes from the side of the hitmen. From the Troop From Hell, against Commander Werko and Mr. H who want to send people to fight in the streets and whoever says no they will kill them right there." The hitmen from the Hell troop are going to war to get the Treviños out of the cartel."
"They are refusing to carry out the order of Werco. That because they only go and die fighting for the plazas. They don't want to drop their guns in retaliation, that is, if they want to kill them, they'll shoot back. Almost all of the 35 is in disagreement, because in one of those. There are divisions until one came out and spoke out
"I have a comrade who's a hitman and they're only sent to the slaughterhouse. Half the hitmen will desert, if CJNG enter Nuevo Laredo.”
"They did a meeting and some did not go for the same reason because you know how it is. They'll kill you if you don't want to obey the orders of the werk and the H."
“It sounds to me like a certain internal group of the CDN will try to take over the position of the mere boss.
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2020.06.12 01:59 shooter1129 Yarrington, Inc. – An analysis of the collusion between Mexican politics and organized crime part 6
What was the relationship between Peña Arguelles and Yarrington? At the beginning of this report we described a scheme through which two agents work for a corrupt politician: a financial operator who acts as a money launderer and front-men who disguise the ownership of several assets. In this case, Peña Arguelles was Yarrington's financial operator but also worked as an accountant/money launderer for Los Zetas.
The fact that Peña Arguelles worked for several parties at the same time offers us an excellent visual of how professional money launderers behave. They may oftentimes not care about the factions they work or represent. In fact, they might be serving several criminal groups at the same time, just as the Peña Arguelles brothers did. They are hired for laundering cash and for managing the money flows between politicians and organized crime.
A real example about how Peña Arguelles managed dirty money and bank accounts both in Mexico and in the US might shed some light on the way professional money launderers work for Mexican cartels. On March 30 2005, Peña Arguelles opened bank account #5967500110 at the California Commerce Bank. On April 6, this bank account received two separate wire transfers from a bank account held by Peña Arguelles's brother at a Banamex branch in Nuevo Laredo. The first wire transfer accounted for US$4,546,095.48 while the second accounted for US$2,539,152.81.
The origin of the money used for both transfers derived from drug proceed from Treviño Morales. On April 17, 2008 (three years later), bank account #5967500110 at the California Commerce Bank wired two transfers. The first consisted of US$4,000,000 which was transferred to bank account #125000220 held in Peña Arguelles at Falcon International Bank. The second wire transfer consisted of US$2,997,941.76 which were transferred to bank account #3033401090 held in Peña Arguelles's name at the Laredo National Bank.
Four days later, on April 21, Peña Arguelles withdrew US$1,001,968.30 from account #125000220 held at Falcon International Bank through a check which was deposited into bank account #3033401090 at the Laredo National Bank. A year later, on April 2, 2009, Peña Arguelles withdrew a check for US$4,107,828.30 from bank account #3033401090 held at Laredo National Bank and deposited it at bank account #2210146283 held at his own name at International Bank of Commerce (IBC).
These wire transfers lasted for nearly five years and involved 5 different banks and 5 bank accounts located in Mexico and the United States. The purpose of these transfers were to create an extensive and complicated paper trail to disguise its origin. Peña Arguelles wanted to hide the fact that the accounts were managed by him.
We cannot determine what kind of businesses he undertook with most of this money. But we know that he bought several properties in Texas. For example, on May 18, 2006, Peña Arguelles bought a condominium located at 7887 Broadway, Unit #802, San Antonio, for US$314,965.06. It was paid with three different wire transfers using accounts at the IBC, Falcon International Bank and the California Commerce Bank.
He also bought a house located at 311 Joshua Way for approximately US$470,000, It was paid in cash and through a wire transfer. Peña Arguelles held a giant safe in this second house where he stored millions of U.S. dollars. In other words, we can infer that Peña Arguelles bought several houses in Texas with the intention of storing Zetas drug money.
Before he was caught by U.S. authorities, Peña Arguelles had amassed quite a fortune which included five real estate properties located in the Texan counties of Bexar and Webb, two bank accounts (#125000220 and #0240524014) held at the Falcon International Bank with a net balance of US$582,966.29 and US$14,000, respectively, and a financial account (#1296882) held at LPL Financial with US$4,242,317.11. LPL Financial is one of the main U.S. brokerage companies, which confirms the rumor that Mexican cartels have been investing in the U.S. financial market with drug money.
We concluded that we do not have too concrete or official evidence linking Peña Arguelles to Yarrington. Nevertheless, the fact that Peña Arguelles was Zetas's liaison with Tamaulipas politicians, that he laundered money for Los Zetas and others, and that he has been accused by protected witnesses of being Yarrington's financial operator are strong indicators that he was in fact the person responsible for coordinating Yarrington's assets and appointing his front-men.
CONCLUSION By 2012, Yarrington was ousted from the PRI after his corruption allegations became public and were officiated by Mexico's former Attorney General's Office (PGR). It was mentioned that Mexican prosecutors had targeted Yarrington since the 2000s, just after his post as governor, but since he was a powerful political figure he remained untouchable for several years.
There is a similarity in the downfall of some of Mexico's high-ranking politicians accused of corruption. All of them were isolated by their political parties almost immediately. Most of the times they are left without political support, even by their former collaborators. This was not the case for Yarrington.
Yarrington created a blog (which is not shutdown) where he wrote articles and publish personal photos blaming Marisela Morales, the former head of the PGR, and other people for going after him with false accusations. This bought him some time, but once the DEA announced that Yarrington and some of his front-men were indicted for their organized crime activities, Yarrington went into hiding
On August 2012, when Mexico's anti-organized crime investigatory agency began investigating Yarrington, a judge from Tamaulipas issued two arrest warrants against him. The first charged him for organized crime and money laundering. The second one accused Yarrington of drug trafficking in collaboration with organized crime members. By the time the warrants were issued, however, Yarrington had already left Mexico and fled to Europe.
The rumors of Yarrington's whereabouts were discussed for months. Mexican public opinion mostly believed that Yarrington would never be arrested. The PGR offered a MXN$15,000,000 bounty for Yarrington's capture on November 2016, and on December his own party expelled him for "violating the the PRI´s conduct statutes and ethical code".
Investigators highlighted that after escaping from Mexico, Yarrington moved to Paola, a quiet town in the northern part of Calabria and 83 mi (135 km) from Gioia Tauro, the biggest cocaine entry point in all Europe. It is interesting that Yarrington, a man who had dealt and collaborated with some of the biggest cocaine dealers in the Western hemisphere, chose to hide close to the headquarters of the N'drangheta, the Italian criminal organization that controls most of the European cocaine trade.
In 2016, Yarrington was spotted by Italian police in the town of Paola. On April 9, 2017, he traveled by train to Florence. That same night he was intercepted when he left a restaurant in Piazza della Signoria with a Polish citizen. When confronted by the agents, Yarrington falsely identified himself with a fake driver's license. He was taken to the local police station where his fingerprints were scanned with those on file in the Interpol's database. His identity was confirmed.
In 2018, after a year in Italian custody, Yarrington, who had been fighting extradition fiercely, was extradited to the U.S. He has imprisoned in the Houston Federal Detention Center and was recently denied parole after requesting it due to the COVID-19 crisis. His trial has been postponed until September 22, 2020. In his trial, Peña Arguelles and several of the individuals mentioned in this report will testify against Yarrington, their former boss. We cannot know what the verdict will be, but we can be sure that for the first time in his life, Yarrington will no longer be able to abuse his political position.
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2020.06.12 01:56 shooter1129 Yarrington, Inc. – An analysis of the collusion between Mexican politics and organized crime Part 5

YARRINGTON AND LOS ZETAS, A LOVE AND HATE STORY: Los Zetas were born in the 1990s as an enforcer cell working of the Gulf Cartel. The origins of this group are still vague and quite unknown, but it is generally agreed that by the early 2000s they had become an essential tool in the Gulf Cartel's offensive under the leadership of Osiel Cardenas Guillen.
Over the years, Los Zetas' degree of independence and strength grew so high that they eventually started managing their own affairs. It is still not very clear if they started dealing in drugs on their own conviction or if the Gulf Cartel granted them a degree of autonomy at some point. What we know is that by the mid-2000s Los Zetas, under the leadership of Heriberto Lazcano Lazcano ("Z3") and Miguel Angel Treviño Morales ("Z40") were buying high quantities of cocaine and marijuana for U.S. exportation. In other words, they became a cartel in itself, a fact that would accelerate the split between Los Zetas and the Gulf Cartel in 2010.
When Los Zetas started to get involved in the drug trade, they built a very sophisticated financial network to launder assets obtained from their drug trafficking activities. Los Zetas' money laundering activities were divided among their respective regional bosses (jefes de plaza). Each of them had their own financial network in charge of laundering the money obtained by local Zetas cells. Once the money was laundered locally, Los Zetas had other financial operators who funneled these funds towards the top of the Zetas leadership structure, including Yarrington. One of the individuals responsible for managing this scheme was Zetas member Antonio Peña Arguelles.
A former smuggler (fayuquero), Peña Arguelles started working as a financial operator for the Gulf Cartel between 2002 and 2004 under Nuevo Laredo regional boss Guadalupe Eugenio Rivera Mata ("Gordo Mata"). At some point in time he became one of Treviño Morales's most trusted men; he was responsible for being the Zetas liaison with the Tamaulipas political elite circle.
The details about Peña Arguelles's involvement in the Yarrington affair will become clearer when he testifies in Yarrington's trial this upcoming September. Meanwhile, all we can know is what is reflected in a Criminal Complaint filed on February 2 2012, against him. In this document, four Confidential Sources (identified as CS1, CS2, CS3 and CS4) gave testimony about Peña Arguelles's activities.
CS1, who according to the complaint was one of Peña Arguelles's business partners, declared that he, all along with his brother Alfonso, was a top-ranking money launderer for Los Zetas. In fact, he oversaw the laundering of millions of U.S. dollars in cash through several bank accounts and investment funds in the U.S. which were indirectly owned by several Zetas leaders. According to CS1, the Peña Arguelles brothers were used as a liaison between Los Zetas and several politicians of Tamaulipas for delivering money in exchange for protection.
In this role, Peña Arguelles received at least US$4.5 million directly from Zetas leader Treviño Morales for buying protection and political influence. Since this money was delivered in cash, Peña Arguelles deposited it in several bank accounts he owned in Nuevo Laredo and then transferred it to accounts he held at the Commerce Bank of California. Between 2007 and 2008, these accounts were shut down and the money was transferred to bank accounts at the Falcon Bank and the International Bank of Commerce of Texas.
CS2 is identified as a drug trafficker who cooperated with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) for a sentence reduction. According to his testimony, CS2 met Peña Arguelles through Juan Jose Muñiz-Salinas ("Bimbo"). back in 2007 (remember that Bimbo was one of the police men through which Osiel Cardenas Guillen paid for Yarrington´s campaign in 1998). According to CS2, he started receiving large sums of money from Cardenas Guillen to buy protection under the Government of Yarrington. CS2 stated that in December 2002 he was instructed by Peña Arguelles to deliver US$500,000 in cash to the Mayor of Nuevo Laredo Jose Manuel Suarez Lopez.
One of the clearest glimpses of Peña Arguelles's influence in Los Zetas was provided by CS3, a former employee of Peña Arguelles who stated that he had a close business relationship with Yarrington, Treviño Morales and Lazcano Lazcano. According to CS3's testimony in 2007 and 2008, Peña Arguelles was instructed by his superiors to travel to the U.S. to coordinate the delivery of millions in cash from the local Los Zetas distributors in the country. These deliveries took place at the cities of Brownsville, Roma and Laredo, Texas, and in Las Vegas, Nevada.
This fact supports the idea that by the late 2000s, Los Zetas had become major cocaine distributor in the U.S. We know for sure that on 2008, Peña Arguelles flew from Las Vegas to San Antonio carrying US$500,000 in drug proceeds using the services of a private aircraft company called Signature Flight Support, which enabled him to use a private hangar in the San Antonio airport to avoid undesirable attention.
CS3 stated that Peña Arguelles owned a 15-mi (24 km) ranch located in Nuevo Laredo. The ranch was was used by Los Zetas for smuggling drugs through the place to circumvent a military checkpoint located in a nearby highway. In exchange for this help, Peña Arguelles was paid a certain commission. CS3 personally saw Peña Arguelles meet two or three times with Lazcano and at least once with Treviño Morales. He also saw Peña Arguelles meet with Yarrington both in Nuevo Laredo and in the U.S. On August 2008, Peña Arguelles was arrested by members of the Mexican Army at the Mexico City International Airport. He was held for 53 days after which he was released. Peña Arguelles returned to the U.S. and met Yarrington in San Antonio. CS3 said he saw him have an issue with Yarrington over some money.
CS4 is identified as a DEA informer. According to his testimony, Peña Arguelles started working for Yarrington between 2000 or 2001 by laundering the money Yarrington received from the Gulf Cartel. It was CS4 that provided U.S. prosecutors with the most critical evidences against Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sanchez ("El Coss"), probably the highest-ranking Gulf Cartel imprisoned in the U.S. since Cardenas Guillen.
Yarrington and Peña Arguelles are linked to the 2010 assassination of Rodolfo Torre Cantu, the PRI candidate for the Governorship of Tamaulipas. According to CS4, during November 18t or 19, 2011, Los Zetas kidnapped Peña Arguelles's brother Alfonso. Peña Arguelles himself told CS4 that he had talked with his brother over the phone. Alfonso had said he was being held by Treviño Morales and was demanding US$5 million. According to Treviño Morales, he had given Peña Arguelles nearly US$5 millions to buy political protection in Tamaulipas (CS1 stated that Peña Arguelles received $4.5 million in 2004). Peña Arguelles stole the money given to him and kept it for himself.
According to CS4, Peña Arguelles said he did not have US$5 million available and only had US$4.1 million in mutual funds. In the end, Peña Arguelles said he tried to paid Los Zetas giving them only US$380,000 in several payments. Nevertheless, CS4 confirmed he saw bank statements belonging to Peña Arguelles which indicated that between 2007 and 2008 he had approximately US$8.9 million deposited in bank accounts of the Commerce Bank of California.
Several accounting documents seized by U.S. authorities indicate that between 2004 and 2006, Peña Arguelles had nearly US$10 million deposited at Falcon Bank, International Bank of Commerce and Commerce Bank of California. These documents also recorded several payments in U.S. dollars and Mexican pesos done directly to Yarrington by the Peña Arguelles brothers through these accounts.
Treviño Morales did not believe Peña Arguelles and sent him a long text message through his mobile phone. The text was shown by CS4 to DEA officials and could be translated into English in this way:
"Look [Peña Arguelles], we are not asking you for a kidnapping, it is the money you asked that person for, it was for politics, and they were just lies. So, it's best that you pay the money you owe. Since we know how the situation is. All right, don't pay, however let's see where you'll hide because you well know you are not going to have a place to hide, neither you, nor Ponchito, nor Tony. You were all involved, so keep the money and in your next life make sure who you steal from. Besides, your brother has been saying here, you and Tomas Yarrington, along with Costilla murdered the gubernatorial candidate, Rodolfo Torres Cantu because he affected the construction businesses and was sponsored /protected. Anyhow, he was killed for no reason, you and your brother are still here and you all didn't accomplish anything and remember, that as long as that person is alive in any moment time they will kill you. There will not be a safe place for you, Mr. Toño, so good luck. Don't be an idiot and pay attention to whom you rob from and about that candidate, it was because of the businesses you have with Costilla, Tomas and Osiel Cardenas. Your brother also told me about the assumed names of the properties that you have with Osiel and I also know that they're in Laredo, Texas and San Antonio."
Treviño Morales was demanding money he had supposedly paid Peña Arguelles for granting political protection. What is uncertain is when the payment was made. The text message is also important because it places Costilla and Yarrington as the masterminds of the murder of Rodolfo Torre Cantu. He was reportedly murdered because he his election affected the real estate businesses owned by Yarrington's network in Tamaulipas.
On November 29, ten days after the kidnapping, Peña Arguelles's brother was found dead with a bullet on his head. His body was found wrapped inside a blanket under the Christopher Columbus monument in Nuevo Laredo. A written banner (narcomanta) was left at the scene. The meaning is unclear.
"Don't be saying this was a kidnapping of a fucking [informant]. It's the $5 million we gave you, you know what for, and you did not meet your obligations on the contrary you left the country. Why play the fool it was you [Peña Arguelles] who ordered Rodolfo Torres killed because he was going against the interests of the businesses that Osiel Cardenas and Tomas Yarrington are partners in. Whatever, you killed him for nothing because his brother is there and still screwing with them. Fucking old hypocrite that's preaching the word of God you swallow saints and shit devils. You're still a money laundering murderer living in the U.S., nice and peaceful. Well isn't it there that they fight drug trafficking and money laundering because they have the best money launderers?"
CS4 told the DEA after they heard about the killing. Peña Arguelles was asked if he indeed stole the US$5 million from Treviño Morales. He did not confirm or deny it.
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2020.06.12 01:49 shooter1129 Yarrington, Inc. – An analysis of the collusion between Mexican politics and organized crime

part 4*MORE U.S. BANK SCAMS On April 15 2005, an individual registered Pesquera Investments LP, a subsidiary of RGC Development LLC, founded the same day. Two weeks later after its creation, on May 2, Pesquera opened a bank account (#xxx0264) at First National Bank. Four days later, on May 6, a conspirator transferred US$406,387 to this account. On December 2005, Pesquera received a loan from First National Bank (loan number #xx1806) for US$2,850,000 for the development of a real estate project in Cameron County, Texas. Yarrington's accomplices created multiple companies over the years that asked for loans to U.S. banks.
On May 19, 2005, someone created SPI Development Partners LLC. Three days later, on May 22, a subsidiary called SPI Ling and Marlin Townhome Project was created. This subsidiary got a US$610,000 loan from the Inter National Bank in McAllen. It received a second loan of US$3,050,000 on January 2007 from the Lone Star National Bank in Pharr, Texas. The loans were used to develop a supposed real estate project in South Padre Island (where Yarrington already owned a luxury apartment under Rodriguez de la Garza's name).
On December 5, 2005, Yarrington associate José Joaquín Alfredo Vila Ruiz created two companies: SA Cantera Development Partners LLC and its subsidiary, Cantera-Parkway Development Partners SA LP. On February 2006, Cantera-Parkway asked for a US$6,650,000 loan from the First National Bank in Hidalgo County, Texas. The money was later used for buying 46 acres of land at Bexar County. On August 2006 an individual registered Culebra SA 104 Management LLC and its subsidiary, Culebra SA 104 Acres Residential Partnership, LP. This last subsidiary received from the Falcon International Bank a loan of US$2,874,000 for buying in 2006 at least 104 acres of land at Culebra Road, Bexar County.
During these years Yarrington's network purchased houses and vehicles in the U.S. For example, on July 2004, Yarrington obtained through a front-man a loan for US$200,000 from the First National Bank (loan #xx0316). The money was used to build a home. The documents presented to the bank by Yarrington's front-man reflected false information about the applicant. In 2008, Yarrington was granted a second loan (loan #xx5587) of US$150,000 by First National Bank. The money was used to build a second home. Yarrington spent nearly an extra amount of US$750,000 customizing these two properties. In December 2006, Yarrington asked for a US$34,889.63 loan from Capital One Finance and used the money to purchase a 2007 Chevrolet Suburban. It must be pointed that every single one of these loans were done through Yarrington's most reliable front-man: Fernando Alejandro Cano Martinez.
YARRINGTON'S FRONT MEN AND PROPERTIES IN MEXICO Cano Martinez was at the time Executive Officer and Co-owner of Materiales y Construcciones Villa de Aguayo SA de CV, a construction company based in Ciudad Victoria, Tmaulipas. According to the Mexican database Compranet (where most of the public contracts are shown) between 2002 and 2012 Villa de Aguayo received at least 41 public contracts for a total of MXN$1,560,906,831 (almost US$73,000,000).
It has been stated by U.S. authorities that most of these contracts were assigned fraudulently in exchange of the favors provided by Cano Martinez to Yarrington. In fact, Cano Martinez was the owner of several large ranches all across Tamaulipas. He was the owner of Hacienda San Juan, a ranch constituted by 2,700 hectares of land. The ranch had a hotel and airstrip 1 mi (1.6 km) long. According to information provided by protected witnesses in the US, Yarrington bought this Hacienda from a high-ranking member of Los Zetas. He expanded the ranch by adding nearly 600 hectares from neighboring estates whose owners were reportedly forced to sell their lands by Los Zetas to Yarrington at low prices.
Cano Martinez was not only the only associate who owned ranches for Yarrington. One of the biggest collaborators in this scheme was Eduardo Rodriguez Berlanga ("La Conga"). Rodriguez Berlanga owned at least 3 ranches. Two of them, El Mirador (bought on December 12, 2002) of 1,200 hectares and El Colmenar (bought on August 24, 2005) of 600 hectares were located near Aldama and Soto de la Marina municipalities in Tamaulipas. They were bought by a financial operator of Los Zetas who later donated them to Yarrington.
Rodriguez Berlanga also owned a third ranch called La Providencia. Located 6.2 mi (10 km) from Ciudad Victoria, it had 15 hectares and included a bar, a palenque (cockfighting pit), a horse race strip, cattle, fine horses, stables, oranges, tomatoes, bean, and agave plantations (for producing tequila). On February 2018 an armed group attacked La Providencia, killing one worker and 12 pure-blood horses.
Rodriguez Berlanga was also the owner of Janambres Construcciones SA de CV, a construction company which received at least 8 public contracts between 2005 and 2007 for a total of MXN$25,756,541. The contractors were the Secretariat of Communications and Transportation (Secretaria de Comunicaciones y Transporte, SCT) of Tamaulipas and Nuevo Leon.
One of Yarrington's best known properties is Rancho El Tinieblo. It was acquired through front-man Alfredo Perez Salinas in the municipality of Jimenez, Tamaulipas. El Tinieblo still exists and is managed as a luxury hotel and entertainment company that produces mezcal. Yarrington has more properties than the ones mentioned in this report. Many of them are in Tamaulipas and in the Mexico City area.
THE GOVERNOR'S RETIREMENT Yarrington's post as Governor of Tamaulipas ended on December 2004. After that he tried to become the PRI's presidential candidate for the 2006 general elections. Details surrounding his presidential desires are mostly unknown because they developed within the deepest circles of the PRI's bloc. At that time, the PRI was divided between the factions headed by Roberto Madrazo (the PRI president) and those who opposed him. They headed a group called Everyone United Against Madrazo (Todos Unidos Contra Madrazo, TUCOM).
Yarrington was one of TUCOM's leaders and began postulating himself as a viable alternative to Madrazo. However, Yarrington did not succeed given the political scandals that plagued TUCOM. One of its leaders, Arturo Montiel Rojas, was accused of political corruption and that ended up tainting TUCOM's reputation among the rest of the PRI and the electorate. This marked the beginning of the end of Yarrington's long political career.
From 2006 and onward, Yarrington lived off the investments he made over the years when he received bribes from the Gulf Cartel. This retirement path that Yarrington followed is the golden rule for most politicians involved in corrupt practices. Countries like Mexico offer better options for individuals like Yarrington because they do not have to relocate their resources offshore. Widespread impunity and immunity from prosecution enables Mexican criminals and politicians to enjoy their assets onshore. Politicians like Carlos Salinas de Gortari, Enrique Peña Nieto and Javier Duarte de Ochoa are living proof that this system can work in their favor.
THE MEXICAN MONEY TRAIL According to a sealed superseding indictment filed in May 2013 against Yarrington and Cano Martinez, both men were involved in the importation of multi-ton shipments of cocaine. Allegedly these drug trafficking activities occurred between 2007 and 2009.
During this time, Yarrington formalized a working relationship with several high-ranking members of both the Gulf Cartel (his old business partners) and the Beltran Leyva Cartel (which by the time was no longer affiliated with the Sinaloa Cartel and was a major distributor of cocaine both in Mexico and the US). According to the indictment, Yarrington's role in the conspiracy was to use his political connections to grant access to the port of Veracruz for multi-ton shipments of cocaine which came to Mexico by boat. The cocaine was later exported to the US for further distribution.
No were mentions were offered about Yarrington's personal involvement in the drug trade. In this case, Yarrington crossed the line. Instead of staying off the radar and enjoying the profits of his money laundering investments, he became involved in drug trafficking and attracted the attention of U.S. authorities.
How did Yarington manage the money he started obtaining through drug trafficking? During these years a front-man of his started opening several bank accounts in some of Mexico's most important financial institutions. These banks included HSBC, BBVA Bancomer, Banamex, Banregio and Scotia Bank. We must remember that between 2004 and 2006, Yarrington's front-men asked for multi-million loans which were used for buying land and properties.
The following argument is absolute speculation but it would be logical to deduce that Yarrington's intention was to use the drug proceeds provided by his role in the cocaine trade to strengthen his financial presence in the U.S., likely to buy more land and start real estate projects.
Yarrington's network funneled drug money to the U.S. through the following method: The bank accounts he opened in five of Mexico's largest financial institutions received cash deposits by unidentified individuals. In an effort to hide the funds' origins, they were transferred to a financial entity called Monex which would later re-direct the payments to the companies Yarrington's front-men owned. Monex is one of the world's biggest financial conglomerates offering a multiple portfolio of private banking, corporate banking and money exchange services.
For example, Inter National Bank (the bank Yarrington's network used) received several wire transfers from Monex into Premier International Holding's account #xx6539.
In addition, the First National Bank opened account #xx2879 for Cantera Parkway Development Partners of SA which received several transfers from Monex.
Yarrington's spend was so vast that he even developed a secondary set of US banks accounts he used to pay for his daily expenses. In 2004, one of his co-conspirators opened 5 accounts at the First National Bank (accounts number #xx1407, #xx9425, #xx3621, #xx5217 and #xx1637) which from 2008 until 2010 made dozens of daily payments always under the US$10,000 threshold. Otherwise, the payments would have triggered a Currency Transaction Report under the instructions of the Bank Secrecy Act.
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2020.06.12 01:45 shooter1129 Yarrington, Inc. – An analysis of the collusion between Mexican politics and organized crime Part 3

At Wells Fargo this third party held accounts #xx0509 and #xx1010. From account #xx0509 the following payments were made during these dates (we've committed some for space reasons):
From account #xx1010 the following payments were made during these dates:
We have account #xx1814 at Lone Star National Bank which made the following payments:
The fourth bank account with number #xx5217, identified as "Hunting Account" in court documents, was managed directly by Rodriguez de la Garza, who made the following maintenance payments:
In addition to the South Padre Island condominium, Yarrington also bought other properties in Texas using front-men. In the cities of McAllen and Kyle, Yarrington owned two properties under his alleged ex-girlfriend and Texas State University professor Sindy Chapa. Chapa had a school salary of US$58,000 a year, but the two homes under her name were valued at US$272,910 and US$357,441, respectively. Although investigators believed that the houses were bought by Yarrington's network using drug proceeds, she was not charged with a crime. Following a lengthy investigation, the houses were seized by U.S. federal agents and auctioned. Some of the money used to buy these two homes were laundered in a large real estate project in La Cantera Parkway in San Antonio.
It must be stressed that during these years, Yarrington was likely one of the most powerful men in Tamaulipas along with the Cardenas family and some of their Zetas enforcers. Since Tamaulipas is a state bordering with Texas, the Governors of both states often work together and develop strong friendships. In fact, Yarrington had a good working relationship with Texas Governor Rick Perry, and he was a close friend of George W. Bush when Bush was governor.
The closeness between one of the most corrupt men in Mexican politics with the future president of a country who heads a global war on drugs agenda became even more sinister when Bush told reporter many yeras ago that Yarrington was "not only a friend but a compadre". When Bush became U.S. President, Yarrington, was invited to the presidential inauguration in Washington. This happened during Yarrington's heyday as Governor of Tamaulipas and when he was profiting with drug money from the Gulf Cartel. Given the press censorship in Tamaulipas, it is very unlikely that Bush knew about the corruption allegations against Yarrington at that time.
THE AMERICAN BRANCH OF YARRINGTON´S NETWORK: SCAMMING EVEN USA BANKS Rodriguez de la Garza was only the tip of the iceberg. By the early 2000s, Yarrington had already established a well-oiled money laundering network comprised by several Tamaulipas businessmen (some of them of very humble origin) who were becoming increasingly rich by owning cars, houses, apartments or ranches for Yarrington.
At some point in time between 2003 and 2004, Yarrington and his associates began deceiving several U.S. financial entities by asking for loans that would never be repaid. Yarrington did not ask for the loans himself. He sent his front-men to ask for them to develop real estate projects in the U.S. As collateral, the front-men used the ranches they bought on Yarrington's behalf in Mexico. In this scheme, Yarrington and his associates built a huge network of companies and sub-companies in Texas which were the companies asking for the loans.
For example, at the end of 2004 a high-ranking member of the Tamaulipas government who was one of Yarrington's associates, managed to steal MXN$60 million in public funds. On December 2004, this individual transferred the MXN$60 million to a person who is mentioned in court documents as a member of organized crime. This individual then distributed the money to several of Yarrington's front-men. On January 21, 2005, the Sub-secretary for Expenses of Tamaulipas, Alfredo Sandoval Musi, and Yarrington himself transferred US$300,000 from the original MXN$60 million to account number #xx7535 held at the Inter National Bank, a U.S. financial institution. They used this money to purchase a Sabreliner 60 aircraft for Yarrington's personal use. Another MXN$5 million were transferred to Fernando Cano Martinez, one of Yarrington's main front-men.
By this time, several individuals were travelling all around Texas funding literally dozens of Limited Liability Corporations and Limited Partnerships through which to channel dirty funds coming from Mexico and asking US banks located in South Texas for loans they would not repay. For example, on February 9 2005, an unidentified individual founded in Texas a company called AGM Investments LLC. Later, on March 29 2005, one of Yarrington's main associates and front-man, a Tamaulipas businessman named Pablo Zarate Juarez, formed Premier International Holdings Ltd. Premier was owned in part by AGM Investments. On December 2005, Premier received a US$2,570,000 loan from Inter National Bank in McAllen to purchase a 2005 Pilatus aircraft with registration number N679PE.
Pablo Zarate Juarez was born in Matamoros in 1960 and was also a member of the PRI. When Yarrington became Governor, Zarate Juarez became the director of the Tamaulipas Institute for Housing (Instituto Tamaulipeco para la Vivienda, ITAVU). He became inextricably linked to the Governor and started his career as an entrepreneur. Zarate Juarez founded Corporativo ZAVI, a construction holding based in Leon, Guanajuato. The holding company includes 4 subsidiaries: Inmuebles y Casas Modulares SA de CV, Constructora Santa Matilde SA de CV, Urbanizaciones, S.A. DE C.V. and Provisep Proteccion y Vigilancia en Seguridad Privada SA de CV.
According to other sources, he owns two more companies: Constructora Santa Marina SA de CV and a Texas-based company called Viza Construction LLC. In his declaration to U.S. authorities, Zarate Juarez insisted he did not work for Yarrington. But he could not explain why he used public money from the Tamaulipas government to pay for a Pilatus Aircraft which was under the firm Premier LLC. The aircraft had been used extensively by Yarrington but was foreclosed by the Inter National Bank for non-payment on a loan.
Almost all of Zarate Juarez's companies received numerous contracts from the Tamaulipas administration. For example, Inmuebles y Casas Modulares receive 18 contracts for MXN$1,260,212,779. Constructora Santa Matilde received a contract from the Maamoros Public Works Directorate for MXN$6,059,616. Provisep received 4 contracts for MXN$2,379,170. Construcciones Santa Marina received MXN$92,243,279.
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2020.06.12 01:40 shooter1129 Yarrington, Inc. – An analysis of the collusion between Mexican politics and organized crime part 2

INVESTMENT TACTICS The problem corrupt high-level public officials face when accepting a bribe is what to do with the money. Several sophisticated corruption networks that offer money almost anonymously and instantly to corrupt public officials exist. But most of the times, criminal groups do not adopt highly-developed bribing mechanisms and oftentimes simply contact a politician that has the ability to intercede in their favor and offer him/her money.
If the politician accepts, a specific quantity is negotiated in exchange for the favoservices. The money is usually paid in cash since it is extremely difficult to trace its origins. Most of the times public officials do not have high salaries, and even if they do, they are not as high to help mask the bribe as legitimate income. Any politician accepting money will thereby avoid any kind of direct contact with the cash itself. This necessary distance gap between a corrupt public official and the money coming from an organized crime group must be filled with someone who is able to manage the funds anonymously but also who can make them appear legitimate.
Two individuals are involved in the scheme: the financial operator (operador financiero), who manages the entire scheme and is independent of the original launders, be it organized crime groups or a corruption politician; and the front-man (prestanombres), who launders the money from the origin source in a way that makes the money appear to be legitimate. Front-men are usually businessmen with legitimate businesses. The assets they receive from the financial operator can be handed to them directly (via bank deposits) or through other disguised payment methods (e.g. real estate). Laundering money through real estate using front-men can help hide the origin of the asset to the corrupt public official.
This scheme leads us to the following question: What do the financial operator and the front-man obtain from accepting assets that do not belong to them? The financial operator is nothing more than a professional money launderer and is payed part of the money he/she launders, retaining some of it as a commission. The front-man, on the other hand, can be paid either directly or indirectly. He can take or enjoy part of the assets he holds as his property, can be paid with money for faking the ownership of the assets or can be paid indirectly through deferred administrative payments. These deferred administrative payments are nothing more than illegal public contract awards.
In highly bureaucratic countries like Mexico where the Roman Civil Law system is applied (just like Spain, Italy, Portugal or most of Latin America), the government grants projects to private entities in exchange for a good and/or a service provided by them. The private entity is paid with money from the public treasury. In theory, the government approves of a contract based on a private entity's reputation or previous performance, but this can easily be abused in practice since a public official is the one who signs off on it. This is because the public official with the capacity to determine who wins a public contract can use this as a payment method for the individual who is keeping his/her assets safe.
It is important to note that the Mexican public contract system has never been in a very good shape. When the federal government started privatizing large portions of its public sector in the 1990s, organized crime groups and corrupt politicians occupying high-level positions have used public contracts as a mean of payment for individuals who act as front-men. This practice is not unknown in other places where organized crime often operates as a de facto state.
In Sicily, for example, most of public contracts have been traditionally assigned to individuals suspected of being front-men and who hold assets of the multiple criminal clans affiliated to the Stidda or the Cosa Nostra. In Japan, several Yakuza clans such as the Yamaguchi-Gumi have been deeply involved in real estate projects designed and assigned directly by the Japanese government.
THE YARRINGTON NETWORK According to the available evidence, Yarrington developed a highly sophisticated laundering network from money from Gulf Cartels and Los Zetas. The assets were laundered it through several financial operators who bought real estate assets that were then assigned to front-men. Some of these front-men were paid back with public contracts directly assigned by Yarrington's associates in the Tamaulipas government. In this section, we will analyze part of this networking, detailing who was who and how it was maintained.
One of Yarrington's most popular and earliest acquisitions was a luxury apartment at the Bridgepoint Oceanfront Condominiums in South Padre Island, a resort town in Southern Texas. Yarrington purchased it through a front-man on December 1998. Taking into account that he became Governor of Tamaulipas in 1999, we can conclude that by the time he became Governor, Yarrington was already accepting bribes by organized crime groups. In other words, Yarrington was deeply involved with the Gulf Cartel before becoming Governor, which would confirm the testimonies of his corrupt practices when he was Mayor of Matamoros.
Of course, Yarrington did not buy the apartment in South Padre Island directly. He did so through an intermediary, a front-man. This individual was Napoleon Rodriguez de la Garza. He was a businessman from Matamoros who owned Ferreteria Industrial Rodriguez SA de CV, a hardware store that was awarded with multiple public contracts. The contracts in included public light and paint works in Matamoros and in Tamaulipas when Yarrington was governor.
The apartment was purchased at US$450,00. According to a complaint for forfeiture filed on March 22, 2012, "in the warranty deed it was stipulated that US$300,000 of the price would be financed and secured by a vendor's lien and by a deed of trust. The lien was later released (...) on April 20, 1999", just two months after Yarrington became Governor of Tamaulipas. From this day on, Yarrington took control of the apartment and visited it often although Rodriguez de la Garza was the owner on paper.
Because of the apartment's contract, the buyer (Rodriguez de la Garza) was in charge of making monthly maintenance payments of US$900. Since Yarrington could not appear as the owner the apartment, he did monthly payments through a third-party (maybe Rodriguez de la Graza or someone else). The payments were made through four separate bank accounts from three different banks: Wells Fargo, Lone Star National bank and an unidentified third entity.
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2020.06.08 09:56 shylock92008 WAR between el Marro y el Mencho kills 21 people in 24 hrs; 100 murders in one week; 40 police officers killed so far this year, while homicides have shot up 448% in five years; the state of Guanajuato has become the most violent;
21 people were shot dead in the state of Guanajuato in less than 24 hours, 10 of them inside a center for rehabilitation in the city of Irapuato, as confirmed by the Ministry of Local Public Safety. Grenades used on attack at car shop

a total of 21 dead, victims of the war between the Jalisco Nueva Generación Cartel, led by Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes alias el Mencho and the Santa Cartel Rosa de Lima (CSRL) which is headed by José Antonio Yépez Ortiz, alias el Marro. Video

100 killed in one week:
The security figures published daily by the security cabinet show that between May 27 and June 2, 93 people were killed in Guanajuato. If it is considered, that since it is a real-time count, it has an under reporting of 10 to 20%, the number of homicides is over 100 cases in this period.

CJNG, Sinaloa y Santa Rosa de Lima: tres cárteles en guerra por Guanajuato

Desde noviembre comenzaron a circular rumores de que sicarios de Sinaloa, aliados con “El Marro”, habían arribado a Guanajuato para detener el avance del CJNG
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2017.11.16 22:24 SethInkunen My Story and Where EVE Needs to Head IMHO

Google Doc -
I normally try to keep posts like this as short as possible since personally I skip past huge walls of text when I see them; however, honestly, I’m not sure if I can fully illustrate my point and the points of many that are going on deaf ear without fully qualifying with how I’ve been there, done it, and have an educated opinion on all realms of EVE Online. I have labeled each section so feel free to skip to the parts that interest you or read all for the full point I’m intending to make. I apologize in advance if any specific part appears to be drawn out or that I’m trying to make myself seem important or arrogant or (?). Basically, my intent on this is to go as in-depth as possible to add legitimacy in the fact that I have been around and have a more vested interest in EVE than your common player.
Background Leading Up to Playing
I heard of EVE a few times in passing as the game that made your wife divorce you from a Best Buy review and thought that was humorous. Had a few coworkers at my job that played EVE, but I was so into console gaming at the time I didn’t have much of a setup or interest into getting into PC gaming. Time went on, needed a beefier PC for my undergrad/grad work (or at least that’s the excuse I used) so started considering PC games and of course space has always been cool as fuck to me and the general open-ended nature of EVE intrigued me. One of my current colleagues also played EVE so I figured what the hell, I’ll give it a go. This was in October of 2013.
Starting EVE Online
The advice I was told was to start missioning as soon as possible, Caldari is a great race since you can do missiles without worrying about tracking and other factors, and to be very wary of joining a corporation in EVE as scams are very prevalent. I tried the tutorial missions, quickly lost interest and thought this was a boring as fuck game as weird things seemed incredibly clunky to me. I was a little confused on how to get around to where I needed to go and how to get to the objectives in the mission. After about an hour or two I logged out of EVE, unsure if I’d ever play it again. The next day my coworker again told me to give it another try and gave a few more pointers with regards to how sec status works. I gave it another try and decided to mine in a venture to make some ISK to buy a few mods and hopefully a better ship since it seemed the best way to get my first few million.
As I got more comfortable with maneuvering around EVE, I started venturing throughout high sec a bit more and continued to work towards my first ship (I think a caracal?) but I was also confused because I wanted to make more ISK in mining since missioning seemed a far goal. My friend at work threw me a bone and bought me my first caracal so I opted to go that route since he would tell me how much he made running L3 and L4 missions. I got really into running missions for a bit, lost my first caracal and joined my friends corp. I was pissed that I lost it but understood that is how EVE works. Luckily someone threw me a bone in rookie chat and gave me 50 million to buy another caracal and said that he ganks orcas and to hang in there. It seemed from there that EVE had more to it than my friend really knew.
I joined my first corp nonrelated to my friend at work… it instantly got wardec’d within a day of joining so I thought my friend was probably right about avoiding corps and dropped corp again. Kept doing a little more research on EVE and found a blog from Chessur that really enthralled me towards the world of PvP and thought how cool that would be. is the reference to that and if I were to attribute anything to getting into PvP and actually playing EVE, it’d be from Chessur and this blog. The more I read, the more I wanted it.
I joined another corp that was based in high-sec but had dreams of going to nullsec or live in a low end WH. All of this sounded really cool to me. I kept reading more and more into fits of PvP from battleclinic and read Chessur’s blog like it was the bible of how to PvP. BOOM, another war dec hit. The corp didn’t know how to respond since we were mostly all carebears in highsec with very few with actual PvP experience (well the CEO and a few other guys claimed to have some but I have doubts with what I currently know). There was a lot of discussions on what to do next. We lost a few ships from them… it seemed like there were 2-4 guys in T3s that would continually kill our guys in our mission ships. This is where I decided to make my stand and there was enough unrest in my corp to back me. Everyone was frustrated and it seemed like they were tired of getting bullied as well. Not knowing anything about PvP, I tried my best to educate people from what I read and what I saw. We all got in our biggest ships (mine at the time was a drake, others had more ISK so brought T1 battleships. We lost a few fights in the beginning but we could tell we were getting closer at killing what seemed like an unkillable enemy. Eventually, we won a fight with them and our guys were fucking stoked. We started getting less pressure from them and got a lot of confidence until finally they fucked off altogether.
Shortly after this we decided we needed to push forward as a corp to null. We got an offer from an alliance living in Stain. They were Vanguard ( They said that they were familiar with newer groups, wanted to give us a try, and they had a seeded market and they loved to help newbros. We decided to go and give it a shot… what a huge plunge. At this time carriers could still jump 15LY and there weren’t as many chokepoints. Logistics was handled by the alliance leader and a few of the guys in corp that had a carrier. We got out to Stain and I loved it. We were fighting the Polish group of Coven and they were our sworn enemy. In EUTZ, we’d get our shit pushed in but in USTZ we held our own. There was a brother alliance that worked with us that had more experienced PvPers in it and were more “elite.” They needed our numbers and honestly, we needed their FCs to fight Coven. I really enjoyed the guys in this small alliance and saw that they were clearly superior to the majority of the current alliance I was in. The corp I was in was dwindling in numbers and I was tired of feeling like I was one of the few joining in PvP fleets so I began to consider a new home. One of the corps in my current alliance (Homicidal Teddy Bears) prided themselves as being a PvP corp with an industrial backbone. They seemed the most like-minded to me so I joined them to learn and be with a better group of peers.
This is where things continued to get interesting for me – there was a little drama between the “elite” alliance we were working with and our alliance and it seemed to me more and more that I was in line with their views instead of my own alliance. It was around this time that I was learning from their FCs on how to FC and realizing that my own alliance was pretty bad. Eventually, I decided to swap to their alliance but I think that might have had some sort of impact on the current alliance I was in as the exec rarely FC’d and I was one of the only ones that did. He and I didn’t exactly see eye to eye because I strongly disliked how he babied the guys in fleets and didn’t foster them to get better. I decided to go to the new group and see how it went.
I really loved this new alliance but our numbers were low (5-15 actual members) and my SP was not skilled into what they enjoyed flying. It was hindering my ability to FC and my ability to grow so I started looking more and more into buying a toon off the bazar. I found a toon (Gremk) for around 5BN that seemed exactly what I wanted… skilled specifically into Gal/Min and a good base for what I wanted to do. I borrow some ISK from one of my new friends in my new alliance and off I went with the new character. At this time, I was belt ratting in Stain and running L4s in Stain for ISK. I was also doing margin trading in a hub in high sec buying low and selling high. Life was good.
My new exec and main FC of the alliance I was in was getting more and more on edge. Frustrated with the numbers we had, lack of recruiting, and newly developed hatred of the alliance I came from he decided we would go to lowsec to do faction warfare instead. It would get us closer to PvP with the numbers we could field and he thought it’d be a lot of fun. And so we did – we moved there and that’s when I began learning how to solo PvP… but the corp suffered a lot and our leader got more and more angry until he eventually quit EVE for a bit.
The co-leader decided that we needed to go back to null and some old friends in East India Trading Co so we decided to get out of lowsec and back into making ISK while PvP’ing. Well, some drama happened and within the first week it became Gentlemen’s Club. We brought with us one of the corps that was originally in our alliance (Abandoned ships) that got kicked due to a stupid loss… then they ended up joining Vanguard (the alliance I was originally from). A few of us kept in good contact so they decided to go with us to Gentlemen’s Club. Within Gclub I made my ISK from continuing to margin trade, seed ships to alliance via WHs and eventually JF services, and some nullsec ratting/ded sites. Even though some of us were in the exec corp and the rest was in TRIF, we all felt like we were a part of the same group. With time, we realized that this was not the alliance we were looking but as a corp we were still split on what we wanted to do. I pushed to get out of nullsec and go back to lowsec… I liked not having structure grinds in RLML Cerberus and the general incompetency that we found with a lot of the members in GClub. I started reaching out to a few groups (Overload Everything and Shadow Cartel) but I felt that we had too many guys in corp that were stuck to null so I wanted a way out.
It was around this time that GClub deployed with Black Legion… they seemed like the group that was exactly what I was looking for. I applied to them and was accepted in even without a cap toon or great SP – I got lucky with one of the guys who vouched me in if I’m being honest. To make ISK here, I continued seeding contracts to alliance, seeding where we staged from, and running L4s Gurista missions. After joining I shortly realized this was exactly the sort of shit I was wanting. I did a few fleets with Elo FC’ing and it was fucking amazing. We mainly danced around Goons with tengus and used a lot of tactics with bubbles, slippery petes, etc that I thought was fucking awesome. Watching Elo FC was something truly amazing to me, his style was something I’ve never seen before and everyone in his alliance was intensely loyal to him. Boom, Phoebe hit. I was in the fleet that went from the north (Venal iirc) and gated all the way down to Catch to kill the PL that brave had bubbled. This fleet lasted 8 fucking hours. I saw some of the writing on the wall after a few months. Elo announced we were going to fight Russians and being nearly a 100% USTZ alliance with mostly one FC I felt like this was a horrible idea. I also was pretty pissed at how long fleets were now that Phoebe hit and knew I couldn’t commit to fucking 8 hour fleets.
While this was happening, the corp I used to be in (TRIF) had finally listened – they went to Shadow Cartel and were really enjoying themselves. I felt like this group was my home and always felt more like a number in Black Legion rather than a critical part. I left Black Legion to rejoin TRIF… Immediately, I fucking loved it. Shadow Cartel was everything I wanted… High end doctrines, high end tactics, and a fuckton of instant content. There was minimal structure timers and mostly just pure PvP. I could tell TRIF was having a little difficulty fitting into SC since we had a lot of guys that were still fixated on the nullbear life and some core PvPers. We also didn’t have much in the way of FCs anymore and I could tell there was a chance that TRIF wouldn’t have lasted in Shadow Cartel. So again, I stepped up and decided I will FC for both TRIF and SC. By this point I had already seen a good bit of tactics and even though I made some stupid mistakes I could do better than most and I usually had pretty good awareness. To make ISK, I tried several things – I did FW missions on an alt in a bomber, L4 guristas missions in a tengu, L4 SoE missions, semi AFK mining in highsec in a hulk with orca boosts (lol), and finally L5s.
Time went on, I FC’d more and TRIF grew. I started a different culture in TRIF – one that the previous exec had – expecting nothing less than perfection while still having a good time. We didn’t care if you welped a ship as long as you did everything you could and weren’t an idiot. TRIF started losing the indy side but we picked up members from some of the alliance we used to be in and friend along the way. We learned on how to make ISK in lowsec and the fun that was had in not bashing structures but 100% focusing on killing ships. I’ll skip a lot of the details but eventually it ended up with myself and a few others that had been in from the beginning helping run a lot of the USTZ in Shadow and continuing to build it in the vision I had – capital projection, subcap superiority. I was fortunate enough to get on an EU heavy AT team with SC and learned a ton from the amazing AT FC that Asakura was… it was honestly the most fun I’d ever had in EVE. We finished 6th and I knew I would want to continue the next year. Meanwhile, TRIF started implementing higher standards within corp where we only accepted members that could fly every subcap in the game with cap alt mandatory. Time went on, we all had similar interests, and we really enjoyed supecapital fights. We pushed getting supers, pushed getting cap alts, and really we pushed whatever I felt was the strongest force in the game. Shadow Cartel fought in the biggest lowsec wars (Placid war vs Snuff), some of the wars with DHSJ, DT collapsing, etc etc. I was there through all of it. Lowsec became the place to be – it was the only place that was getting consistent, huge fights and content. Each side continued to build to win and fight the other. It finally gave some of the local groups power to fight each other.
AT time came around and the previous capt had quit EVE after the last tourney. Bagger’s play time had gone down tremendously but I still had the strong desire to do AT again but there was one big problem… the previous year was all EUTZ and I had no way to run practices in EU since I worked 8-5 in the US. I started to build a new team based in USTZ and I think I was one of the few that had actual experience and was privy to the theory crafting that went into the previous AT. We had some issues getting practice partners since we were a USTZ team but eventually we got a few. There was a lot of initial obstacles but as a team we grew stronger and stronger throughout the practice season… By the time AT was here we were running toe to toe with the strongest of our practice partners and winning every match against our other practices partners consistently. Now AT time came… the first match we had a guy burn out his webs in a bhaal… the main ship that had our control. We lost the match by a 5 second margin… 0-1. The next match we had a guy burn in within the first minute of the match right into a bhaal ball when we were a heavy control team… he lost a sleipnir right off the bat without repping and there went a huge chunk of DPS and links. We also lost this match by less than a 5 second margin. 0-2 game over.
This was a big hit for me from the time I invested into this… but shit happens and life goes on. I focused a lot on TQ FC’ing now and running USTZ and assisting running most of SC. We had a lot of cool cap fights and super fights with DHSJ, Snuff, and other groups. Time went on and more players got tired of the burden of running an alliance and the Exec then (Paquito) left to NC. Since I was already co-running the alliance I decided to step up and run the alliance. EUTZ took a big hit but that’s when SC really became a USTZ alliance. All timers were shifting to USTZ, EUTZ was growing lighter, and our enemies were getting stronger in EUTZ. Meanwhile, we grew so big in USTZ from gaining some of the corps from collapsed allies that there was a TZ tanked war. We couldn’t fight them in EUTZ, they couldn’t fight us in USTZ. I started working with NC. more to try to balance out the disparity in EU, but then that tipped the numbers too much. Basically, it was a constant battle of getting the perfect fight – trying to get sides evened out and fighting with nearly the same tactics. The fights got more and more stale and it started to become more of a way to find fights and keep fights going than winning or losing. My goals shifted to “how can I keep the alliances I’m fighting alive to get more content.”
More time went on and AT time was around again. I wanted to run it but knew I couldn’t handle the burden that running the AT put on me – especially with how the previous year ended. One of the guys that had more experience and know-how decided to take it by the horns and give it a go… the main problem was that he lived in EU for a nearly 100% US team. Time went on and we did pretty well in practices but had a lot more focus than the previous year. The main problem we had was having the amount of practices needed with how busy everyone’s schedule was on the team. It was a constant struggle with many pings to get people on and making sure we had the people to commit. I was really hit or miss with attempting to run alliance, juggle IRL, and helping play a large role in AT. It drove me away from the game as it 100% felt like a second (or third even) job. Due to work, I couldn’t attend the first match of our feeder tourney – and we lost. Both the capt and myself knew we couldn’t handle another disappointment like the previous year. I was able to make the second day and our team was running on all cylinders again – and won all three matches that day to fight through the feeder rounds.
More practices happened… more stress on IRL… more stress on the alliance from me not being able to commit to TQ, AT, and IRL. AT started – we won our first match then made some errors and lost to NC. Won a few more matches then lost to TEST. I can honestly say it was a great experience. I learned a lot from it yet again but again it came so close to killing the careful balance of my personal life and Shadow Cartel took a huge hit from it as far as TQ content. Thankfully, there was another FC to step up and help but it got a lot harder when he was away for bits at a time.
While all this is happening – things like horrible citadel timers, active moon mining, and other big changes continued to make lowsec as a powerhouse nearly impossible. Everything in EVE just felt like a massive time sink – to move to take part in a war meant killing a day of time each way then the content there would always dry up, AT required endless practice, all timers turned into TZ wars, and basically nothing seemed like much reward for the endless amount of effort that leadership would have to invest. The main guys running moons quit EVE, most of the FCs IRL were getting busier, and the amount of time we were actually enjoying the game became more and more rare. Eventually, running the entirety of Shadow Cartel fell on TRIF’s shoulders with a little help from some of the other leaders. This was okay for a bit but eventually with the demands of our careers and lives it was impossible to run. It was time for Shadow Cartel to have a drastic change and that wouldn’t happen without TRIF leaving alliance. Now their story will continue and personally I don’t feel like Shadow Cartel will die from it - just change their focus.
So here we are today – we decided to leave Shadow Cartel and are still figuring out the next steps.
TL;DR of What I’ve Done
Level 1-5 missions in high sec, low sec, and null sec Mining in high sec in a venture, retriever, procurer, hulk with orca links NPC Belt Ratting SOV Anoms Extensive Solo PvP FC’d small gang, mid, and large fleet in high sec, low sec, and null sec. FC’d and killed subcap, capital, and supercapital fleets FC’d and Capt in the alliance tournament CEO of both a corp (TRIF) and alliance (Shadow Cartel) Theory-crafted for both AT and TQ for all comps that SC ran in my time there (By no means am I saying I was the only one doing TQ fits but I was a major player if not the biggest player in the direction of doctrines)
My Actual Opinion of What CCP Needs to Focus EVE On
I apologize if the story was long and there are probably a lot of parts I’ve missed including or bored you to death on but I felt it somewhat necessary to preface my opinion and illustrate the type of player that I am. I’ll be hitting a lot of different areas in the game with this – keep in mind this is all opinion and my personal vision.
With nearly all of the changes lately, they’ve had too much time to fester with the issues that are present. I’ll go into more depth on specifics but ultimately each different aspect of the game that has been released: jump fatigue, citadels, t3d changes, capital changes, rorqual changes, etc… all of them were released and only minor tweaks to them with time when there have been GLARING issues with them. I feel like most patches have been fixing things that should have been done and pleasing the player base with QOL changes that are overall pretty minor while leaving some of the bigger issues present.
The common trend with all changes are in the opposite direction of where EVE should be going – everything is become much more of a time sink with extremely localized content that quickly grows stale.
There needs to be more of an emphasis on community from day one. Push outside places like Reddit and focus on getting new players into the community. The community is 100% what drives this game. Give select players a free sub for all their accounts or 1 account to help run this even. Make a huge effort on retaining and educating new players to how complex EVE is in general.
Make PvE more engaging – make it enjoyable and unpredictable. Nearly every method of making ISK currently in EVE is stale and is exclusively done to make ISK for shinier ships or more PvP. Make it to where people actually enjoy making the ISK and that it doesn’t feel like such a grind. Sure short term players are going to moan because their ISK/hr goes down – but make it to where when you are making ISK you are actually enjoying the game. Imo there should be a complete rework ON ALL PVE.
Make alliance management MUCH easier. Stop letting every alliance make these special snowflake tools for auth services, mobile apps, moon mining, reactions etc. Don’t get me wrong – custom tools can exist but give ALL alliance a base set of tools that are run by CCP and don’t leave it out to dry like you have the mobile app you pushed out. Running an alliance shouldn’t take hosting your own servers for auth tools, creating a tool to manage srp, carefully managing roles since there is such a shitty audit system, and honestly the list goes on and on. The less that the content creators, admin, and management of alliance have to focus on that involves actual admin, the more the alliance can benefit from their leadership being able to spend more time with the alliance itself.
Really focus on tournament style game play. Logi bro did fucking wonders with thunderdome and the direction that all of that was headed. Personally, I was fucking shocked and angry when I heard that he was let go. You need to cater to the players that love this sort of game play with the tools needed and drive a tourney sector of EVE – tons of gamers love this sort of game play. There’s a lot of different options with this and I think most heavily depend on Thunderdome - but if done properly it can add a lot of available content to EVE without negatively impacting TQ content.
Stop wasting so much time and money on developing games like dust and Valkyrie. Put this dev time into continuing to make EVE a game that is unmatched and that will never be quit.
Focus on getting players into the action faster – I don’t care what the means is but stop making it so fucking difficult to get to hot zones where action is going on. While I get that Phoebe had a lot of benefits so everyone didn’t get instantly blobbed – the previous generation of EVE was such an exciting game play in theory. It was unforgiving and people could get a ping then travel to exactly where the fight was going on and move ops months that kill a day of time each way weren’t a thing. You didn’t do something fun with caps just to sit and wait for an hour plus… There wasn’t hours of midpointing, staging caps, etc etc that is required now to have any sort of continued sustainable content.
Final TL;DR
Make PvE more engaging, give more tools to all alliances to manage their alliance easier, make the community around EVE much more visible for new players, be more responsive to the community and the errors of the material you release, and make EVE much less of a time sink to achieve goals.
submitted by SethInkunen to Eve [link] [comments]

2017.07.05 12:00 zippoxer Question about Casper slashing rules

I'm watching Karl's overview about Casper and the slide at minute 46 tells me that in a scenario where a cartel of validators with a majority of deposits is formed, as an honest validator presented with the cartel's invalid epoch and the minority's valid epoch, I would have to either:
  1. Do nothing and lose money.
  2. Prepare the valid epoch and lose more money.
  3. Prepare & commit the valid epoch and lose all money.
So it seems to me that either way I lose money in the valid epoch chain and in the cartel's epoch chain, and if and when the cartel loses majority, I will already have lost some of my deposited money in the valid chain whatever I vote or not vote.
Is that correct? Or will honest validators will disregard the cartel's PREPARE and COMMIT messages due to them being invalid so that in the valid chain I would not have lost money if I voted correctly?
submitted by zippoxer to ethdev [link] [comments]

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